Tuesday, March 11, 2003
A friend across the way who's at the epicentre of a mini crime-quake compares the neighbourhood to a frontier zone, complete with raids, armed skirmishes and defensive barricades. One draws strength from accounts of other frontier experiences. London, for example, in the early 18th century, "was in the grip of the worst crime wave in its history, with highwaymen, burglars and pickpockets preying on the populace, even in broad daylight. The city was in an administrative mess. Roads were deep in mud and poorly lit. A rabbit warren of hastily erected buildings became instant slums . . . The city of London and Westminster had a population of 660 000, and it was estimated that within the city walls lived over 10 000 professional thieves." Its officials were rotten to the core
Friday, January 24, 2003
Thursday, January 23, 2003
Suren Pillay writes in the Mail and Guardian Online
Its not that race has become politicised. Race, after all, has always been a “political” issue — not only in South Africa. The political, economic and cultural effects of race as a classification, and their meaning in social practice, are bound to both history and location. In other words, the challenge might be to understand the particular ways in which race, both as a concept and as an experience, changes historically across time and space.
In South Africa we know that there were at least two broad responses to the state imposition of racial identity. Both responses from within the liberation movements sought to resist the imposed identities. One did it through redefining victims of apartheid as black, as a political experience, rather than a racial identity — the Fanonian inspired response of Steve Biko and others. Another response was to seek to go beyond the recognition of racial identity altogether by promoting “non-racialism”.
Its not that race has become politicised. Race, after all, has always been a “political” issue — not only in South Africa. The political, economic and cultural effects of race as a classification, and their meaning in social practice, are bound to both history and location. In other words, the challenge might be to understand the particular ways in which race, both as a concept and as an experience, changes historically across time and space.
In South Africa we know that there were at least two broad responses to the state imposition of racial identity. Both responses from within the liberation movements sought to resist the imposed identities. One did it through redefining victims of apartheid as black, as a political experience, rather than a racial identity — the Fanonian inspired response of Steve Biko and others. Another response was to seek to go beyond the recognition of racial identity altogether by promoting “non-racialism”.
THREE PIECES OF HORROR
Quiet few days of murder and mayhem! Particularly in Kwazulu Natal. I'm still trying to absorb the latest barrage of news. On top of the massage parlour slayings in Cape Town and the Zulu royal family murder earlier in the week.
In a midnight massacre possibly linked to rampant stocktheft in the Upper Tugela district seven women and children of the Xaba family of kwaMaye near Bergville were shot and burned to death on Wednesday
One may hope that one should get numbed and somehow used to the senseless murder and bloodletting. So far so I have not let the numbness develop - each death is still as horrific as the other. Some killings are admittedly more remote than the others and therefore a litlle less close to the heart and painful. They day that I accept that such death is an acceptable cost of living in this country and not an unquestionable act of barbarism is the day I cease to be human. It's difficult however when you love a country so much to have to deal so often with the dark aspects of living here. The temptation is certainly to ignore the horror as so long as it's not in your backyard.
Another horror item occurred in the backyard of my youth on Saturday. Chris Aldridge, a gentler soul I cannot think of, rest in peace. The fact that the suspects have been swiftly apprehended does not make the crimes any less horrific. The law (and the enforcement thereof) is still not providing a sufficient deterrent to criminals from these savages to those who drive recklessly on our roads. The temptation to admire Foucault's more barbaric forms of useful punishment in that such criminals should be drawn and quartered certainly arises. But that sits starkly in contradiction to the very reason that I find the bloodletting barabaric in the first place (Something on the lines of Donne's "no man is an island" type of thought). It is certainly difficult to balance the need for a strong deterring type of punishment with a sense of humanity and fairness. How does one stem the anarchy? Even our septuagenerian minister of home affairs is noting the resurgence of violence and this from a man who the TRC isolated as one of the key provocateurs of violence in Kwazulu in the 1980’s.
Nevers, you must understand, is the town in this world, and even the thing in this world that I dream most about during the night, at the same time that it is the thing I think least about during the day. “ Hiroshima, Mon Amour” by Marguerite Duras
Nightmares of War
Quiet few days of murder and mayhem! Particularly in Kwazulu Natal. I'm still trying to absorb the latest barrage of news. On top of the massage parlour slayings in Cape Town and the Zulu royal family murder earlier in the week.
In a midnight massacre possibly linked to rampant stocktheft in the Upper Tugela district seven women and children of the Xaba family of kwaMaye near Bergville were shot and burned to death on Wednesday
One may hope that one should get numbed and somehow used to the senseless murder and bloodletting. So far so I have not let the numbness develop - each death is still as horrific as the other. Some killings are admittedly more remote than the others and therefore a litlle less close to the heart and painful. They day that I accept that such death is an acceptable cost of living in this country and not an unquestionable act of barbarism is the day I cease to be human. It's difficult however when you love a country so much to have to deal so often with the dark aspects of living here. The temptation is certainly to ignore the horror as so long as it's not in your backyard.
Another horror item occurred in the backyard of my youth on Saturday. Chris Aldridge, a gentler soul I cannot think of, rest in peace. The fact that the suspects have been swiftly apprehended does not make the crimes any less horrific. The law (and the enforcement thereof) is still not providing a sufficient deterrent to criminals from these savages to those who drive recklessly on our roads. The temptation to admire Foucault's more barbaric forms of useful punishment in that such criminals should be drawn and quartered certainly arises. But that sits starkly in contradiction to the very reason that I find the bloodletting barabaric in the first place (Something on the lines of Donne's "no man is an island" type of thought). It is certainly difficult to balance the need for a strong deterring type of punishment with a sense of humanity and fairness. How does one stem the anarchy? Even our septuagenerian minister of home affairs is noting the resurgence of violence and this from a man who the TRC isolated as one of the key provocateurs of violence in Kwazulu in the 1980’s.
Nevers, you must understand, is the town in this world, and even the thing in this world that I dream most about during the night, at the same time that it is the thing I think least about during the day. “ Hiroshima, Mon Amour” by Marguerite Duras
Nightmares of War
Tuesday, January 21, 2003
Matatha Tsedu's pontificating rant South Africa flunks its first black-empowerment test, big time
about the government's empowerment backdown on the Telkom share issue is unfounded and poorly researched. One would expect that the editor of the country's largest Sunday broadsheet would have at least done some research into why the government backed down on this issue on what I am sure was some sound legal advice. It seems that while our courts may have been in a position to rule in favour of the tiered classification of shareholders it was not clear that the US regulators would have been as sympathetic.
“The union had asked the American government to block the proposed secondary Telkom listing in New York, saying the planned racial discrimination of Khulisa contravened American law and policy
Tsedu's argument fails because he looks at empowerment / affirmative action (insert your buzzword of choice) as something which must reward those who have suffered past wrongs. Essentially a compensation for past suffering. This is not the aim of such a programme - the simplest manner in which any affirmative action can be morally justified is that it's implementation will result in a better (happier and more equitable) society than would exist if the policy were not implemented (utilitarianism - if you want the moral philosophy term for this justification).
The same argument can be quite simply applied to the government backdown. If the government did not back down then there was the genuine possibility the the United States regulatory body (the SEC) would have dismissed Telkom's plans for a US listing. This could well have delayed or damaged the listing process to the extent that the possible net loss to the country would have far exceeded the possible benefit that a few previously disadvantaged individuals would have gained by obtaining their shares cheaper.
The issue of who qualifies as previously disadvantaged individuals is something that can never be decided fairly but I don't think that this is the issue. The issue is simple - the Dept of Public Enterprises was faced with a tough decision between jeopardising the whole listing process by being discriminatory in the share offer process or by appearing to accede to the demands of the (white) Solidarity Union and risk annoying the likes of Tsedu. The government, rightly, chose the lesser of two evils.
On a further note one cannot fault the Solidarity Union, whatever one thinks of their organisational philosophy, for representing the interests of their constituents in a civil, legal and generally undisruptive manner. If all the unions in this country acted in this manner there would not be such a negative feeling in some circles toward organised labour. Tsedu should have at least read something like this: Govt, Solidarity reach agreement on Telkom listing
about the government's empowerment backdown on the Telkom share issue is unfounded and poorly researched. One would expect that the editor of the country's largest Sunday broadsheet would have at least done some research into why the government backed down on this issue on what I am sure was some sound legal advice. It seems that while our courts may have been in a position to rule in favour of the tiered classification of shareholders it was not clear that the US regulators would have been as sympathetic.
“The union had asked the American government to block the proposed secondary Telkom listing in New York, saying the planned racial discrimination of Khulisa contravened American law and policy
Tsedu's argument fails because he looks at empowerment / affirmative action (insert your buzzword of choice) as something which must reward those who have suffered past wrongs. Essentially a compensation for past suffering. This is not the aim of such a programme - the simplest manner in which any affirmative action can be morally justified is that it's implementation will result in a better (happier and more equitable) society than would exist if the policy were not implemented (utilitarianism - if you want the moral philosophy term for this justification).
The same argument can be quite simply applied to the government backdown. If the government did not back down then there was the genuine possibility the the United States regulatory body (the SEC) would have dismissed Telkom's plans for a US listing. This could well have delayed or damaged the listing process to the extent that the possible net loss to the country would have far exceeded the possible benefit that a few previously disadvantaged individuals would have gained by obtaining their shares cheaper.
The issue of who qualifies as previously disadvantaged individuals is something that can never be decided fairly but I don't think that this is the issue. The issue is simple - the Dept of Public Enterprises was faced with a tough decision between jeopardising the whole listing process by being discriminatory in the share offer process or by appearing to accede to the demands of the (white) Solidarity Union and risk annoying the likes of Tsedu. The government, rightly, chose the lesser of two evils.
On a further note one cannot fault the Solidarity Union, whatever one thinks of their organisational philosophy, for representing the interests of their constituents in a civil, legal and generally undisruptive manner. If all the unions in this country acted in this manner there would not be such a negative feeling in some circles toward organised labour. Tsedu should have at least read something like this: Govt, Solidarity reach agreement on Telkom listing
I am concerned about the direction in which the SABC3 newsroom is heading. Issues of timing of the broadcast and competion from etv News aside, there was last night a seeming political slant to the priority of news items that were presented. On a day when it was without doubt (even on a continent that Carl Jung characterised as "reeking of blood") that the headline news item was the savage and brutal murder of 8 people in a Cape Town massage parlour, the SABC chose to lead with a story of how the Special Investigations Unit (Scorpions) had been rapped over the knuckles by the a judge for a poorly executed and seemingly unjustified confiscation of Grootvlei prisoners "perks" such as radios and toasters. I cannot logically see how this event could be relatively even close to as newsworthy and tragic as that of the Cape Town murders. I can only, and hell I hope incorrectly, surmise that someone at the SABC has something in for the Scorpions and wished to ensure that their clearly embarrassing behaviour was seen as the most significant event in South Africa yesterday. The other issue of concern is that much emphasis was made of the fact that this was a gay massage parlour and that "bondage equipment" was found on the scene. The insinuation, too me, was that this was supposed to somehow make the murders less horrific or more acceptable.
The other clear memory I have of such political prioritising of news items was in 1989 when the SABC news revealed as their main news item on a day of some degree of political unrest and turmoil that the ANC had been included amongst a long list of world terrorist organisations in the CIA's red book. There was ten minutes spent on analysing and emphasising this point. Television is a powerful tool and I would hate to see things regress to the dark era of apartheid. I had thought things were going quite well, now I am not so sure.
On the issue of the news war between SABC and etv my greatest fear is that the SABC, and by early indications this seems to be the case, will try and clone the ideas and casual atmosphere that exists in the etv newsroom. The reason that etv has done well is that they were different and offered an alternate perspective. Two of the same will be, quite frankly, awful. The SABC would do better to sharpen up their unique style and character than to copy someone else's character.
The other clear memory I have of such political prioritising of news items was in 1989 when the SABC news revealed as their main news item on a day of some degree of political unrest and turmoil that the ANC had been included amongst a long list of world terrorist organisations in the CIA's red book. There was ten minutes spent on analysing and emphasising this point. Television is a powerful tool and I would hate to see things regress to the dark era of apartheid. I had thought things were going quite well, now I am not so sure.
On the issue of the news war between SABC and etv my greatest fear is that the SABC, and by early indications this seems to be the case, will try and clone the ideas and casual atmosphere that exists in the etv newsroom. The reason that etv has done well is that they were different and offered an alternate perspective. Two of the same will be, quite frankly, awful. The SABC would do better to sharpen up their unique style and character than to copy someone else's character.
Monday, January 20, 2003
Is AGOA (African Growth & Opportunities Act), the seemingly benevolent and well-intentioned free trade arrangement between Africa and the US, really as innocent and benevolent as it seems? I am not convinced of this and have tried to assimilate some background to ensure that it's not just my general (and often unfounded!) suspicion of things American that is giving me this uneasy feeling about this act. The reality is that, especially in the apparel industry things are certainly looking up. I would imagine that the quality suits from the likes of House of Monatic are covering many a well-girthed American right at this moment. The question of the long term sustainability of such projects remains as well as the question of how long this is going to last. Will the plug be pulled just when the capital expenditure required to get some real return out of AGOA has been laid out. The question really is whether AGOA is just too Clintonesque to be fully supported by the incumbent president Bush.
Interesting and fairly lively discussion emanating from Africaonline
in Kenya. Excerpt follows:
Press release from the State Department today:
"U.S. imports of goods from sub-Saharan Africa declined in 2001, but goods qualifying for favored treatment under the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act in this first full year of the program totaled $8.2 billion, with most
of the AGOA imports accounted for by the energy sector."
Thanks Mr Bush, you're really helping us Africans buying Oil and nothing else and pretending that AGOA is really helping Africans. When you come to Mauritius (that very African country 3000 miles to our east) next month and tell the world how America is helping Africa, make sure you don't tell them the real story about how AGOA is benefitting Oil companies not Africans.
There needs to be some earnest debate on this issue. The US Senate staff (Robert Zoellick in particular) involved on AGOA appear to be genuine - well they come across that way in their interviews. I do hope that they receive genuine support to make this a real growth opportunity to clothe and feed Africa for the long term. This must not be another way to extract commodities from Africa (such as Gabon's oil) with little sustained return investment.
The acid test by which to judge the genuineness of motivation behind AGOA will be if the US Government is prepared to allow the duty free importing of African of agricultural commodities into the US and simultaneously cuts the tremendous farm subsidies that US farmers receive. This political potato is, I fear, simply too hot too handle.
Cape Talk
reports that "US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick brought a simple message to dozens of African ministers gathered in the Indian Ocean island of Mauritius: the key to development and poverty reduction is free trade and open markets." The thing about free trade is that it needs to come from both parties and tariffs are only a small portion of the bargain. The more challenging issue is a levelling of the playing field when it comes to subsidies and tax incentives applicable to the competing suppliers.
Justine Nofal writes in the Mail and Guardian Online If the history of the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) is anything to go by, the Southern African Customs Union (Sacu) countries are in for a torrid time if the United States succeeds in closing a similar agreement with them.
Interesting and fairly lively discussion emanating from Africaonline
in Kenya. Excerpt follows:
Press release from the State Department today:
"U.S. imports of goods from sub-Saharan Africa declined in 2001, but goods qualifying for favored treatment under the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act in this first full year of the program totaled $8.2 billion, with most
of the AGOA imports accounted for by the energy sector."
Thanks Mr Bush, you're really helping us Africans buying Oil and nothing else and pretending that AGOA is really helping Africans. When you come to Mauritius (that very African country 3000 miles to our east) next month and tell the world how America is helping Africa, make sure you don't tell them the real story about how AGOA is benefitting Oil companies not Africans.
There needs to be some earnest debate on this issue. The US Senate staff (Robert Zoellick in particular) involved on AGOA appear to be genuine - well they come across that way in their interviews. I do hope that they receive genuine support to make this a real growth opportunity to clothe and feed Africa for the long term. This must not be another way to extract commodities from Africa (such as Gabon's oil) with little sustained return investment.
The acid test by which to judge the genuineness of motivation behind AGOA will be if the US Government is prepared to allow the duty free importing of African of agricultural commodities into the US and simultaneously cuts the tremendous farm subsidies that US farmers receive. This political potato is, I fear, simply too hot too handle.
Cape Talk
reports that "US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick brought a simple message to dozens of African ministers gathered in the Indian Ocean island of Mauritius: the key to development and poverty reduction is free trade and open markets." The thing about free trade is that it needs to come from both parties and tariffs are only a small portion of the bargain. The more challenging issue is a levelling of the playing field when it comes to subsidies and tax incentives applicable to the competing suppliers.
Justine Nofal writes in the Mail and Guardian Online If the history of the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) is anything to go by, the Southern African Customs Union (Sacu) countries are in for a torrid time if the United States succeeds in closing a similar agreement with them.
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